It's NOT about color... It's about behavior. Many of us are familiar with Bill Cosby, as a TV personality and entertainer …and because he speaks his mind. In this piece, he speaks about “African-Americans” …but his point applies to all of us: We have to start holding each other to a higher standard. Blaming others is no longer acceptable.
"They're standing on the corner and they can't speak English. I can't even talk the way these people talk: Why you ain't, Where you is, What he drive, Where he stay, Where he work, Who you be..
And I blamed the kid until I heard the mother talk. And then I heard the father talk. Everybody knows it's important to speak English except these knuckleheads. You can't be a doctor with that kind of crap coming out of your mouth.
In fact you will never get any kind of job making a decent living. People marched and were hit in the face with rocks to get an education, and now we've got these knuckleheads walking around. The lower economic people are not holding up their end in this deal. These people are not parenting. They are buying things for kids. $500 sneakers for what? And they won't spend $200 for Hooked on Phonics. I am talking about these people who cry when their son is standing there in an orange suit. Where were you when he was 2? Where were you when he was 12?? Where were you when he was 18 and how come you didn't know that he had a pistol?And where is the father? Or who is his father?
People putting their clothes on backward: Isn't that a sign of something gone wrong? People with their hats on backward, pants down around the crack, isn't that a sign of something? Or are you waiting for Jesus to pull his pants up? Isn't it a sign of something when she has her dress all the way up and got all type of needles [piercing] going through her body? What part of Africa did this come from? We are not Africans. Those people are not Africans; they don't know a thing about Africa. With names like Shaniqua, Taliqua and Mohammed and all of that crap, and all of them are in jail. Brown or black versus the Board of Education is no longer the white person's problem.
We have got to take the neighborhood back. People used to be ashamed. We have millionaire football players who cannot read. We have million-dollar basketball players who can't write two paragraphs. We, as black folks have to do a better job. We have to start holding each other to a higher standard.
We cannot blame the white people any longer."
Dr. William Henry "Bill" Cosby, Jr., Ed.D.
Thursday, November 29, 2007
Saturday, November 24, 2007
Pay close attention to Annapolis
It’s complicated. We know that. Textbooks will be written about the players and politics that lead up to the Annapolis Peace Conference in November of this year. With almost 4 million people in Jordan of Palestinian origin, what matters is how it will affect them.
On the surface, one could say that it’s not likely to change much. However, closer scrutiny shows that the impact could be profound. Failure means instability ...instability brings fear … and fear results in a multitude of consequences.
When opposition forces in Jordan criticize the government for manipulating the Parliamentary election that took place on November 20th, they are implying that if there were truly free and fair elections, Jordan’s Islamists could follow the lead of Hamas in Palestine and rise to power. This is debatable, but the possibility is enough to cause “global flinching”. Jordan is a significant ally to the US and protecting safety and security may be seen by some as more important than pursuing democratic reforms.
When Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert meet with US President George W. Bush in Annapolis on the 27th of November, the world will be holding it’s breath. Not because anyone expects a signed deal on a two-state solution, but because people will be waiting to see if peace is even possible. Clearly, there are some who don’t want peace ...it would remove their raison d’etre.
There are signs that Hamas is divided, and not only because some of its leaders are in jails or in other countries, but because there are those who are tired and horrified by the reality of violence, while some still see a gun as the only vehicle for change in a society torn apart and witness to Palestinians fighting Palestinians ….brother against brother.
Many are calling this, “the last chance conference.” Failure of the Annapolis Conference would affect the entire region. At stake for Jordan is the refugee issue (roughly half of the population who add to the political, economic and social strain), internal security arrangements, a commitment to guard religious and holy sites in East Jerusalem, the water issue, and economic cooperation that might enable the rehabilitation of the refugee “camps”. All of which is in addition to the issue of common security if the failure of the Conference results in growing extremism and fundamentalist movements in Jordan and the region.
It is not just a question of right-of-return or cash compensation. It is a question of dignity, of a need to feel like they belong. They want to truly enjoy a notion of citizenship that removes the stigma of being visitors to Jordan who have worn out their welcome.
The lack of hope is further enforced by a belief that both leaders, Mr. Abbas and Mr. Olmert, are entering negotiations from very weak positions. Mr. Abbas and his Fatah Party are in an open conflict with Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr. Olmert is very unpopular in Israel and almost lost his position following the report on the conflict with Lebanon in the summer of 2006.
By contrast, His Majesty King Abdullah II is a beacon of hope and a voice of moderation. With the aim of providing an Arab and Islamic “safety net”, he has proactively engaged all the political players in the region and many around the world. He has also spoken of the risks involved and the need to seize the opportunity
The idea of resolving the issue of citizenship is a worthwhile goal, but expectations of it resulting from the Annapolis Conference are slim. There is a lack of faith in political leadership. The bottom line is, if the Annapolis Conference is doomed to mediocrity, there will be a resulting drag on democracy efforts in the region.
On the surface, one could say that it’s not likely to change much. However, closer scrutiny shows that the impact could be profound. Failure means instability ...instability brings fear … and fear results in a multitude of consequences.
When opposition forces in Jordan criticize the government for manipulating the Parliamentary election that took place on November 20th, they are implying that if there were truly free and fair elections, Jordan’s Islamists could follow the lead of Hamas in Palestine and rise to power. This is debatable, but the possibility is enough to cause “global flinching”. Jordan is a significant ally to the US and protecting safety and security may be seen by some as more important than pursuing democratic reforms.
When Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert meet with US President George W. Bush in Annapolis on the 27th of November, the world will be holding it’s breath. Not because anyone expects a signed deal on a two-state solution, but because people will be waiting to see if peace is even possible. Clearly, there are some who don’t want peace ...it would remove their raison d’etre.
There are signs that Hamas is divided, and not only because some of its leaders are in jails or in other countries, but because there are those who are tired and horrified by the reality of violence, while some still see a gun as the only vehicle for change in a society torn apart and witness to Palestinians fighting Palestinians ….brother against brother.
Many are calling this, “the last chance conference.” Failure of the Annapolis Conference would affect the entire region. At stake for Jordan is the refugee issue (roughly half of the population who add to the political, economic and social strain), internal security arrangements, a commitment to guard religious and holy sites in East Jerusalem, the water issue, and economic cooperation that might enable the rehabilitation of the refugee “camps”. All of which is in addition to the issue of common security if the failure of the Conference results in growing extremism and fundamentalist movements in Jordan and the region.
It is not just a question of right-of-return or cash compensation. It is a question of dignity, of a need to feel like they belong. They want to truly enjoy a notion of citizenship that removes the stigma of being visitors to Jordan who have worn out their welcome.
The lack of hope is further enforced by a belief that both leaders, Mr. Abbas and Mr. Olmert, are entering negotiations from very weak positions. Mr. Abbas and his Fatah Party are in an open conflict with Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr. Olmert is very unpopular in Israel and almost lost his position following the report on the conflict with Lebanon in the summer of 2006.
By contrast, His Majesty King Abdullah II is a beacon of hope and a voice of moderation. With the aim of providing an Arab and Islamic “safety net”, he has proactively engaged all the political players in the region and many around the world. He has also spoken of the risks involved and the need to seize the opportunity
The idea of resolving the issue of citizenship is a worthwhile goal, but expectations of it resulting from the Annapolis Conference are slim. There is a lack of faith in political leadership. The bottom line is, if the Annapolis Conference is doomed to mediocrity, there will be a resulting drag on democracy efforts in the region.
In the days after Parliamentary elections in Jordan, there is a sense of relief that the long awaited contest is over. More importantly, there is a realization that Jordanians have witnessed some important social changes in the country.
There will be much written about the numbers ….voter turnout at 54% nationally, 7 women elected with the first woman elected outside any quota, 199 women candidates out of a total of 885, only 25 incumbent MPs returned to Parliament out of 110, or a 77% turnover, only 6 Islamic Action Front MPs elected, down from 17.
Several traditional norms were challenged in these elections. In the past, vote-buying was an
accepted practice, however, recent weeks saw media attention about the illegality of such practices. For the first time, candidate representatives and at least one candidate were arrested on election day for trying to buy votes.
The youth were clearly visible in these elections. As a team of 1,500 members of the Al-Hyat Youth Centre engaged in the first-ever national domestic election observation effort, young people were also prominent in candidate campaigns, rallies and events.
Voting along tribal lines was still predominant, but change was evident as young people encouraged voting for “the best qualified candidates” ...as opposed to the tribal choice. The tribes themselves witnessed a breakdown in traditional political control. Despite contested internal campaigns, many tribes couldn’t decide on a single candidate to represent them. Some tribes had five or six candidates competing against each other.
With a lack of jobs, rising prices, and a variety of economic issues facing the country, Jordanians sense a crisis is looming. However, those looking to significant democratic reforms as a potential solution will see these elections as a missed opportunity. The government failed to make promised changes to election laws, resulting in the same process used in 2003.
Despite greater public participation, especially by youth and women, the system has a long way to go before it can be called democratic. Openness and transparency were severely lacking as the government only granted permission for 150 observers to enter the polling stations and
observers were not allowed to witness the vote counting and tabulation process.
The King’s absolute control further illustrates that Jordan is a country of contradictions. Elections are important, but it is the King who appoints the Prime Minister and Cabinet. He sets the legislative agenda and retains the right to amend laws and issue royal decrees.
There were significant successes in the elections, mainly due to courageous efforts of individuals. The challenge will be to motivate these individuals to advocate for true democratic reforms as the focus now turns to Parliamentaryelections in 2011.
There will be much written about the numbers ….voter turnout at 54% nationally, 7 women elected with the first woman elected outside any quota, 199 women candidates out of a total of 885, only 25 incumbent MPs returned to Parliament out of 110, or a 77% turnover, only 6 Islamic Action Front MPs elected, down from 17.
Several traditional norms were challenged in these elections. In the past, vote-buying was an
accepted practice, however, recent weeks saw media attention about the illegality of such practices. For the first time, candidate representatives and at least one candidate were arrested on election day for trying to buy votes.
The youth were clearly visible in these elections. As a team of 1,500 members of the Al-Hyat Youth Centre engaged in the first-ever national domestic election observation effort, young people were also prominent in candidate campaigns, rallies and events.
Voting along tribal lines was still predominant, but change was evident as young people encouraged voting for “the best qualified candidates” ...as opposed to the tribal choice. The tribes themselves witnessed a breakdown in traditional political control. Despite contested internal campaigns, many tribes couldn’t decide on a single candidate to represent them. Some tribes had five or six candidates competing against each other.
With a lack of jobs, rising prices, and a variety of economic issues facing the country, Jordanians sense a crisis is looming. However, those looking to significant democratic reforms as a potential solution will see these elections as a missed opportunity. The government failed to make promised changes to election laws, resulting in the same process used in 2003.
Despite greater public participation, especially by youth and women, the system has a long way to go before it can be called democratic. Openness and transparency were severely lacking as the government only granted permission for 150 observers to enter the polling stations and
observers were not allowed to witness the vote counting and tabulation process.
The King’s absolute control further illustrates that Jordan is a country of contradictions. Elections are important, but it is the King who appoints the Prime Minister and Cabinet. He sets the legislative agenda and retains the right to amend laws and issue royal decrees.
There were significant successes in the elections, mainly due to courageous efforts of individuals. The challenge will be to motivate these individuals to advocate for true democratic reforms as the focus now turns to Parliamentaryelections in 2011.
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